By Robert B. Horwitz
The booklet examines the reform of the communications region in South Africa as an in depth and prolonged case learn within the transition from apartheid to democracy. The reform of broadcasting, telecommunications, the kingdom details organization, and the print press from apartheid-aligned apparatuses to responsible democratic associations happened through a fancy political approach within which civil society activism, embodying a post-social democratic excellent, mostly received out over the strong forces of formal industry capitalism and older types of nation keep watch over.
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Additional info for Communication and Democratic Reform in South Africa (Communication, Society and Politics)
And in some townships, some anti-apartheid organizations devolved into groups, little short of gangs, with quasi-political afﬁliations (see Seekings, 1993; Friedman and Reitzes, 1995). The “social capital” literature, whose best-known proponent is Robert Putnam (1993), argues that association breeds trust. In South Africa, because the context of association was anti-authority amidst violent state repression, the development of trust was more limited and more contradictory. The civic and youth movements’ call to make the townships “ungovernable” during the 1980s, so successful in mobilizing people against the apartheid state, created an enduring strain of political culture whose unruly, sometimes violent, populism would have negative repercussions even after the ANC came to power.
Following a general strike in November 1991 over the government’s initiation of a value-added tax (VAT), COSATU demanded a macroeconomic negotiation on social and economic issues, parallel to the political negotiations. The Business Roundtable, an embryonic business association anxious to rationalize macroeconomic policies and labor relations, was quick to support this move, as was Finance Minister Derek Keys. The National Economic Forum (NEF) was launched. Thereafter, an explosion of forums brought various constituencies together on all manner of issues at national, regional, and local levels to discuss matters such as housing, the VAT system, drought relief, and electricity distribution.
Throughout the negotiations the NP insisted that it would settle for nothing less than a Cabinet veto. In the ﬁnal hours, the NP dropped this demand and settled for a vague constitutional clause suggesting that Cabinet members ought to work together. Whereas the Interim Constitution required the majority party, 4 Boipatong was a black township in the Vaal Triangle in which 39 unarmed ANC supporters were massacred on June 17, 1992, by apparent Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) members with the connivance of the South African police.
Communication and Democratic Reform in South Africa (Communication, Society and Politics) by Robert B. Horwitz