By Florence E. Babb
Nicaragua's Sandinista revolution (1979-1990) initiated a large software of social transformation to enhance the placement of the operating classification and negative, girls, and different non-elite teams via agrarian reform, restructured city employment, and extensive entry to healthiness care, schooling, and social providers. This booklet explores how Nicaragua's least strong voters have fared within the years because the Sandinista revolution, as neoliberal governments have rolled again those state-supported reforms and brought measures to advertise the improvement of a market-driven economy.
Drawing on ethnographic learn performed through the Nineteen Nineties, Florence Babb describes the damaging outcomes that experience the go back to a capitalist direction, in particular for girls and low-income voters. moreover, she charts the expansion of women's and different social activities (neighborhood, lesbian and homosexual, indigenous, early life, peace, and environmental) that experience taken benefit of new openings for political mobilization. Her ethnographic snap shots of a low-income barrio and of women's craft cooperatives powerfully hyperlink neighborhood, cultural responses to nationwide and international processes.
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Additional info for After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua
For many of those whose businesses have failed or whose jobs in the public sector have been eliminated, the only option is to seek work in the informal sector of small-scale manufacturing, commerce, and services. My research in a Managua barrio encompassed a mix of low-income merchants, artisans, and service workers, as well as a number of professionals who work in a range of activities. I interviewed barrio leaders and middle-class individuals, but I focused on low-income members of the community who were not in leadership positions.
She noted that it is necessary to respect diversity and that a coalition of women across political parties could promote women’s multiclass interests (Rita Fletes, interview, July 8, 1996). Such a shift in thinking about the complex relationship of gender and class has been evident in the post-Sandinista period. Of course, debates over the relevance of feminism to women of different social and economic backgrounds are as well known in Nicaragua as elsewhere. Notable in recent years have been the diverse groups of Nicaraguan women—not only privileged middle-class women—who have called for an end to domestic violence, unequal gender relations at home and at work, and subordination under the law.
Some of the same conditions that propelled social actors in other countries in the 1980s were already present in Nicaragua, affecting the subaltern majority in disenfranchised sectors. The Nicaraguan revolution was the ﬁrst in Latin America since the emergence of contemporary feminist movements around the world. This may account for the heavy participation of women in the insurrectionary movement and for the attention to women’s concerns later shown by the Sandinista government—although explicit gender demands were often subordinated to party interests.
After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua by Florence E. Babb